We Are Healthy
UNICEF Canada describes health as a balance across physical, mental, emotional, and spiritual wellbeing. This includes having material security, access to nutritious food, appropriate health care, and support for mental health challenges. Young people also need to be active participants in their own health decisions as their sense of health and their views about health care are critical to their overall wellbeing. Our research asks: How does the digital world influence young people’s overall sense of health and wellbeing across physical, mental, emotional, social, and spiritual dimensions?
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Research Snapshot
by: Dr. James Stinson
This review examines evidence—emphasizing Canadian and international studies —on the associations between digital technology use and youth health outcomes. This includes impacts on sleep, physical activity, psychosocial functioning, self-harm, and more.
Because much of the evidence is cross-sectional or self-reported, associations should be interpreted as correlational rather than causal. Nevertheless, consistent patterns across studies highlight clear trends that can inform policy and practice.
Summary of
Key Findings
The literature offers a nuanced picture of how digital technology affects young Canadians:
Excessive or poorly regulated digital and social media use is associated with poorer sleep, lower physical activity, and worse self-rated health, which can erode physical well-being (Bang et al., 2020; Moore et al., 2020; Morningstar et al., 2023; Sampasa-Kanyinga et al., 2018; Lafontaine-Poissant et al., 2024; Brodersen et al., 2023).
Heavier or problematic social media use correlates with higher depressive symptoms, anxiety, psychological distress, self-harm, and suicidal ideation, though directionality is uncertain (Keles et al., 2020; Shannon et al., 2022; Memon et al., 2018; Richards et al., 2015).
Cybervictimization, harassment, and online exclusion contribute additional risk for mental health problems, especially among vulnerable or marginalized youth (Kingsbury & Arim, 2023; Berger et al., 2022).
Digital use may exacerbate mental health problems via sleep disruption, rumination, social comparison, FoMO, and exposure to negative content (Abi-Jaoude et al., 2020; Hamilton & Lee, 2021; Allcott et al., 2025).
On the positive side, digital technologies and social media may serve adaptive roles: facilitating connection, peer support, identity affirmation, mental health intervention, and health promotion (Rickwood, 2010; Craig et al., 2021; Kemp et al., 2021; Bottorff et al., 2014; Lupton, 2021).
Causality is still being established: some stronger designs (e.g. deactivation experiment by Allcott et al., 2025) support the idea that platform exposure can cause mood shifts; Davis & Goldfield (2025) show that imposed limits can reduce emotional distress.
Emerging evidence suggests that heavier digital use may associate with psychotic experiences (Paquin et al., 2024) and more complex network dynamics of symptoms and social isolation (Zhang & Browne, 2025).
Youth in marginalized or minority groups (LGBTQ+, Indigenous, low-income) may both incur greater risk and derive distinct benefit from digital spaces (Berger et al., 2022; MacDonald et al., 2013).
Impacts - Youth Physical Health and Wellbeing
One of the most direct ways digital technology impacts physical health is by replacing physical activity and interfering with healthy sleep. Morningstar et al. (2023) used data from the Health Behaviour in School-aged Children (HBSC) study to explore the association between social media use and physical activity among Canadian adolescents. They found a negative association: higher social media use correlated with lower levels of physical activity among youth (Morningstar et al., 2023). This suggests that social media may, in practice, displace time that could otherwise be spent in movement or sport.
Extended use of mobile devices and social media is associated with later bedtimes, shorter sleep duration, and poorer sleep quality among adolescents (Twenge et al., 2019). Inadequate sleep, in turn, has been linked to lower academic performance, mood disorders, and increased risk behaviours (Beattie et al., 2015). A large Canadian school-based study of 5,242 students aged 11–20 years (Sampasa-Kanyinga, Hamilton, & Chaput, 2018) examined the relationship between time spent on social media and sleep duration. The authors reported a clear dose–response relationship: as daily social media use increased, the likelihood of reporting short sleep duration also increased. For example, compared with peers who used social media for 0–1 hour per day, students who used it for 3–4 hours per day had significantly higher odds of sleeping less than the recommended duration, and those using it 5+ hours had the highest odds. Lafontaine-Poissant et al. (2024) more recently examined Canadian adolescents and reported that greater social media use was associated with worse sleep health (e.g., delayed bedtime, shorter sleep duration). These findings suggest that excessive social media use may impair sleep onset or continuity, thereby contributing to downstream physiologic and mental health consequences.
Beyond sleep, excessive screen time is also associated with lower levels of physical activity. Youth who spend several hours per day on digital devices report fewer minutes of moderate-to-vigorous exercise and higher levels of sedentary behaviour (Roberts et al., 2020). Bang et al. (2020) examined Canadian children and youth and found that combinations of high screen time, low physical activity, and short sleep were more strongly associated with poorer psychosocial health than any single factor alone, demonstrating a clustering of risk behaviors (Bang et al., 2020). Similarly, Moore et al. (2020) documented, during the COVID-19 pandemic, significant reductions in physical activity and increases in screen/internet use among Canadian children and youth, raising concerns about sedentary behavior and related health implications. Together, these findings indicate that interventions to promote healthy digital habits should address not only the amount of time spent online but also its timing and displacement of other essential activities.
Beyond movement and sleep, digital technology may connect to other physical health outcomes. Brodersen, Hammami, and Katapally (2023) used a “smart platform” to assess whether excessive smartphone use was associated with weight status and self-rated health among youth. They reported associations between higher smartphone use and worse self-rated health (a general marker of perceived physical health), though associations with objective weight status were less consistent. In a scoping review of video game use and health, Pelletier et al. (2020) found mixed associations: some studies report sedentary behaviors and musculoskeletal symptoms, whereas others find neutral or even positive links (depending on type of gaming, posture, breaks). Nonetheless, given the majority of games involve sitting and screen exposure, risks of physical inactivity remain salient (Pelletier et al., 2020).
Furthermore, digital marketing of unhealthy products (e.g., energy drinks, junk food) intensifies exposure to obesogenic messaging (messaging that promotes excessive weight gain). Ayoub et al. (2023) documented the extent of energy drink marketing on Canadian social media platforms, raising concern that social media not only occupies time but also shapes dietary behaviors by promoting unhealthy consumption. Potvin Kent et al. (2024) likewise investigated how social media influencers popular among Canadian children promote unhealthy food and beverages; their results underscore the role of “digital food marketing” in shaping consumption norms and potentially contributing to poor diet and weight outcomes.
Depressive, Anxiety, Distress, and Self-Harm Outcomes
The relationship between social media/digital use and internalizing symptoms (depression, anxiety, psychological distress, self-harm) is one of the most intensely studied areas. Multiple systematic reviews and meta-analyses have documented moderate associations between heavier social media use and worse mental health outcomes in adolescents (Keles, McCrae, & Grealish, 2020; Shannon et al., 2022). Keles et al. (2020) found that increased social media use was linked to greater symptoms of depression, anxiety, and psychological distress. Shannon et al. (2022) in their meta-analysis of problematic social media use emphasized that the strongest associations are seen when use becomes compulsive, addictive, or interfering (i.e., “problematic use”), rather than moderate or normative use. They suggest nonlinear effects: moderate use may be benign or even beneficial, but excessive or poorly regulated use may contribute to harm. In Canadian-specific data, Clayborne et al. (2025) analyzed the HBSC survey and reported associations between social media use and positive mental health, but also noted complexities in these relationships: social media use is not uniformly harmful, and patterns of use, content, and context matter. Their results underscore that some forms of use may support mental wellbeing, whereas others may contribute to distress.
Beyond depression and anxiety, some studies examine associations with self-harm and suicidality. Memon et al. (2018) conducted a systematized review and found that online social networking is associated with self-harm and suicidal ideation in adolescents, particularly in vulnerable populations. Other reviews (e.g. Richards, Caldwell, & Go, 2015) have similarly flagged the potential for social media to amplify self-harm content exposure, peer contagion, or normalization of harmful behaviors. Paquin et al. (2024) conducted a longitudinal study in Quebec and found associations between higher digital media use and psychotic experiences in young adults. This signals that heavy or maladaptive digital engagement may impact a broader spectrum of mental health. Rickwood (2010) argued that computer-mediated communication (CMC) may have both promotive and preventive functions: social media can provide connection, anonymity, peer support, and access to mental health resources. Thus, the relationship is not uniformly negative; some youth use digital spaces to disclose, connect, and mobilize help.
Mental Health and Psychosocial Wellbeing
Sleep Disruption and Emotional Regulation
As digital use interferes with sleep (as above), it may in turn exacerbate mood symptoms. Hamilton and Lee (2021) found associations between social media, bedtime technology-use rules, and daytime sleepiness among adolescents, pointing to a pathway: using devices at bedtime leads to daytime impairment.
Pornographic or image-based content, social comparison, and “fear of missing out” (FoMO) are psychological mechanisms by which social media may undermine emotional wellbeing. For example, Abi-Jaoude, Naylor, and Pignatiello (2020) discuss how social media may foster unrealistic comparisons, cyberbullying exposure, and excessive self-monitoring, increasing vulnerability to depression or anxiety.
Allcott et al. (2025) conducted an experimental study examining the effect of deactivating Facebook and Instagram on emotional state. Their randomized design provides stronger causal leverage: they found that deactivation led to improvements in emotional wellbeing, supporting the hypothesis that active disengagement from social media can reduce negative affect. While not Canada-specific, this study strongly supports a causal link from platform exposure to mood changes.
Cybervictimization, harassment, and marginalized youth
Social media platforms are also loci for cyberbullying, hate speech, harassment, and exclusion. Among Canadian youth, Kingsbury & Arim (2023) found significant associations between cybervictimization and mental health problems. The distress stemming from harassment or exclusion online can exacerbate existing vulnerabilities or precipitate depressive, anxious, or suicidal symptoms. In their systematic review, Berger et al. (2022) focused on LGBTQ+ youth and found that social media use exerts both risks and buffers. On the one hand, LGBTQ+ youth may experience online victimization and harassment; on the other, social media can offer avenues for identity exploration, peer support, and community building. Craig et al. (2021) developed a “social media benefits scale” affirming that for many LGBTQ+ youth, online participation can bolster well-being by fostering affirmation and social connection. Risk and protective pathways often coexist.
Pandemic-Era Dynamics and Resilience
The COVID-19 pandemic changed baseline norms for digital engagement, stress, and isolation, complicating interpretation. Alonzi et al. (2020) emphasize that youth with preexisting mental or physical health conditions were especially vulnerable to exacerbated distress during the pandemic (see also Rouleau et al., 2023). Chin et al. (2023) examined resilience among Canadian adolescents during the COVID crisis; digital connectivity played a role in maintaining social ties, educational continuity, and emotional support. In some cases, increased digital engagement functioned adaptively, though it may have also magnified exposure to negative content or stress. Giancola, Travers, & Coulombe (2023) explored how undergraduates perceived the mental health effects of increased social media use during COVID-19; many reported more anxiety, social comparison, and “doomscrolling,” though some reported benefits (connection, access to information).
The duality illustrates that whether digital use is harmful or helpful may depend on moderation, intentionality, and the quality of content. Zhang & Browne (2025), in a cross-sectional study of Canadian youth, examined the links between time spent on different digital activities, mental health symptoms, and experiences of social media. Their results indicated that youth who spent more time watching TV/movies/videos/livestreams and searching the internet reported higher feelings of social isolation, while gaming was related to less irritability, nervousness, and loneliness. Higher social media use for connecting with others was associated with lower feelings of social isolation but worse mood and more irritability. These findings suggest a need to examine the contexts of media use and point to the importance of helping youth establish healthy digital media use patterns by encouraging activities that bolster social connections and balancing them with offline experiences.
Although much of the discourse focuses on harm, the digital domain also offers opportunities for positive mental health support, health promotion, and intervention.
Digital mental health interventions and apps have grown significantly. Kemp et al. (2021) conducted a mixed methods study of digital mental health interventions for Canadian youth, suggesting that while many tools exist, issues of uptake, usability, equity, and evidence remain limiting. Dennison et al. (2013) earlier explored smartphone apps for behaviour change (in health generally), noting opportunities for personalization, feedback, and engagement, alongside challenges such as adherence, privacy, and sustained use.
In the domain of health promotion, social media has been used to disseminate health messages (e.g. sexual health, smoking cessation, cancer awareness). Bottorff et al. (2014) piloted a social media campaign to inform youth about breast cancer and smoking, demonstrating feasibility and reach. Gabarron & Wynn (2016) reviewed promotion of sexual health via social media, illustrating that platforms can extend reach and engagement.
Applied to dentistry and oral health, de Oliveira Júnior et al. (2023) reviewed how online social networks have been used for prevention and promotion of oral health, showing potential but also noting uneven efficacy and moderation needs.
Importantly, some digital uses may enhance wellbeing by facilitating connection, especially for marginalized youth. Rickwood (2010) and Craig et al. (2021) underscore how online spaces can reduce loneliness, allow disclosure, and support identity formation. For youth in remote or underserved areas, digital access may broaden social or therapeutic access. Lupton (2021) reviewed how youth in the global North adopt digital health technologies—some using them proactively to monitor mood or manage health—revealing both promise and caution regarding equity and digital literacy.
Interventions which encourage “digital literacy,” limit harmful content, or provide tools for self-regulation may help tilt youth use toward healthful practices. For instance, Davis & Goldfield (2025) conducted a randomized controlled trial showing that limiting social media use decreased depression, anxiety, and FOMO in youth with emotional distress—a promising indicator that structured limits can yield mental health benefits.
Positive Potentials,
Moderation,
Intervention Strategies
Policy Recommendations
The evidence paints a complex and contingent picture. Digital technologies do not have uniformly negative impacts. Effects depend heavily on the quality, quantity, timing, content, and context of use. Moderate, intentional, socially connecting, or purpose-driven use may bolster social support and mental wellbeing. But heavy, passive, unregulated, or comparative use—especially at night, involving negative content, or in vulnerable youth—is more consistently linked with negative outcomes.
In Canada, though the empirical base is smaller than in other jurisdictions, studies like Clayborne et al. (2025), Morningstar et al. (2023), and Lafontaine-Poissant et al. (2024) confirm similar patterns to international literature. Moreover, given that COVID-era disruptions altered youths’ technology habits and mental health baselines, contemporary policy must be responsive to shifting trends.
Given the ubiquity of smartphone ownership among Canadian youth, digital platforms are unlikely to vanish; rather, the goal must be to steer use toward health-enhancing patterns while mitigating harmful exposures. Policies should aim to promote digital literacy, self-regulation, protective platform design, equitable access to mental health supports, and research-informed guidelines.
Policy and Practice recommendations for Canadian federal, provincial, and provincial/territorial stakeholders (including ministries of health, education, and youth services), as well as schools, platform regulators, and community organizations:
1. National Guidelines on Healthy Technology Use
Develop evidence-informed national guidelines for digital/screen use tailored to adolescents, akin to Canadian 24-Hour Movement Guidelines (Janssen, Roberts, & Thompson, 2017). These guidelines should address not only duration (e.g. maximum daily hours) but also timing (e.g. curfew before sleep), usage patterns (active vs. passive use), content (positive vs. harmful), and device hygiene (blue light filters, breaks). The Canadian Paediatric Society’s Digital Health Task Force provides a foundation (Canadian Paediatric Society, 2019), but guidelines need updating and broader dissemination.
2. Integrate Digital Literacy and Wellbeing Curricula in Schools
Schools should incorporate lessons on healthy digital behavior, emotional literacy, digital citizenship, self-regulation skills, and awareness of online risks and benefits. This curriculum can teach youth how to set boundaries, interpret social media dynamics, avoid harmful comparison, and use digital tools for support. Partnerships with mental health organizations can facilitate content.
3. Encourage Platform Accountability and Design Safeguards
Regulators should require social media platforms to embed safeguards that protect youth wellbeing.
Examples include:
Auto-limits or nudges when use exceeds safe thresholds
Night-time “quiet mode” or limitation of notifications
Algorithmic transparency and reduction of harmful content amplification
Tools for “time-out,” usage summaries, or usage control features
Restrictions on targeted marketing of unhealthy products (e.g. energy drinks) to minors (in light of Ayoub et al., 2023; Potvin Kent et al., 2024)
4. Promote and fund digital mental health interventions
Increase funding and support for evidence-based digital mental health tools adapted to Canadian youth, ensuring they are accessible, culturally responsive, inclusive, and equitable (Kemp et al., 2021). Emphasis should be on low-barrier access in schools, community centres, and remote communities. Rigorous evaluation and iterative refinement must be built in.
5. Implement Structured “Digital Detox” or “Social Media Breaks” Programs
Encourage or pilot interventions akin to Allcott et al. (2025) or Davis & Goldfield (2025), where youth periodically deactivate or limit social media access to test mental health effects. Schools or youth organizations might run “offline challenges” or support groups for digital balance.
6. Targeted Supports for High Risk Groups
Develop tailored supports for marginalized youth (LGBTQ+, Indigenous, immigrant, low-income) who may face greater online risk or stand to benefit more from digital connection. For example, funding peer-support online networks, moderated safe spaces, or mentorship platforms. Berger et al. (2022) illustrate both risks and opportunities in social media for LGBTQ+ youth; targeted supports can maximize benefits and reduce harm.
7. Screening and Early Intervention in Health Settings
In pediatric, adolescent, and mental health clinical settings, incorporate screening questions about digital use, sleep disruption, social media stressors, and cybervictimization. Clinicians should counsel youth and families on digital hygiene, sleep-preserving practices, and warning signs of problematic use.
8. Longitudinal Research and National Surveillance
Expand national longitudinal cohorts tracking digital technology trajectories and health outcomes, with oversampling of marginalized groups. Support studies using experimental or intervention designs (e.g., deactivation studies). The network and psychometric modeling in Zhang & Browne (2025) and longitudinal work like Paquin et al. (2024) point to needed methodological sophistication. Monitoring trends in youth mental health and digital exposures should be linked for adaptive policy.
9. Parental and Caregiver Education and Engagement
Offer public education campaigns to equip parents with knowledge of healthy digital boundaries, co-use strategies, family “tech rules,” and mediation strategies. Parental modeling of healthy use can reinforce youth behavior.
10. Equity in Technology Access
Ensure all youth, including those in rural or remote communities, have access to high-quality broadband and devices to benefit from digital mental health resources and avoid exacerbating disparities
How to Cite this Text: Stinson, J. (2025). We Are Healthy. In Digital Wellbeing Hub. Young Lives Research Lab. https://www.digitalwellbeinghub.ca/we-are-healthy — Funded by the Government of Canada.
Resources
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Canada’s State of the Youth Report
Government of Canada — Canadian Heritage (2024)
Findings and recommendations from consultations with 996 young people across Canada, including Health & Wellness.
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Mobile Apps to Support Indigenous Youth Wellbeing
Noronha et al. (2021) — IJCAR
How mobile apps are used to support Indigenous youth wellbeing across Canada.
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Social Media Use & Positive Mental Health
Clayborne et al. (2025) — Journal of Psychiatric Research
HBSC Canada analysis exploring links between social media use and positive mental health in adolescents.
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Recreational Screen Time & Mental Health (Canada)
Toigo et al. (2025) — HPCDP
Canadian analysis of recreational screen time and its relationship to children’s and youths’ mental health.
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Children’s Wellbeing in a Digital World — Index 2024
Internet Matters (2024)
Research on children’s digital wellbeing across mental, physical, and social domains.
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Printable visual digest summarizing current evidence on screens and sleep health.
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Youth-friendly practices for turning conflict into connection and care.
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Works Cited
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Alonzi, S., La Torre, A., & Silverstein, M. W. (2020). The psychological impact of preexisting mental and physical health conditions during the COVID-19 pandemic. Psychological trauma: theory, research, practice, and policy, 12(S1), S236.
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